MSEsperanza
Senior Member (Voting Rights)
Peter White (ed.) 2005: Biopsychosocial Medicine, An integrated approach to understanding illness. Oxford University Press
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/biopsychosocial-medicine-9780198530343?cc=de&lang=en&#
Links to this conference and book have been posted on different threads, e.g. here:
https://www.s4me.info/threads/the-bigger-picture.8683/page-2#post-153599
The linked Twitter thread by @maxwhd includes extract from the conference's discussions and final discussion which I thought deserved its own thread.
I copied the twitter thread into a PDF (see attached file) Edit: But haven't checked the book so don't know from which chapters and how accurate the excerpt is.
The book contains the final discussion (chapter 13 - "How to overcome the barriers"), but also discussions of individual presented papers.
Just two snippets here:
Discussion(s) (excerpt by @maxwhd via http://www.twitlonger.com/show/n_1s19b2i)
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/biopsychosocial-medicine-9780198530343?cc=de&lang=en&#
Links to this conference and book have been posted on different threads, e.g. here:
https://www.s4me.info/threads/the-bigger-picture.8683/page-2#post-153599
The linked Twitter thread by @maxwhd includes extract from the conference's discussions and final discussion which I thought deserved its own thread.
I copied the twitter thread into a PDF (see attached file) Edit: But haven't checked the book so don't know from which chapters and how accurate the excerpt is.
The book contains the final discussion (chapter 13 - "How to overcome the barriers"), but also discussions of individual presented papers.
Just two snippets here:
Discussion(s) (excerpt by @maxwhd via http://www.twitlonger.com/show/n_1s19b2i)
Wessely: Cancer patients do not lobby for psychologists because they believe that psychological factors are why they developed cancer in the first place (which is certainly progress given that in previous times there have been scientists who have made those erroneous claims). They do so because they feel that it is safe and permissible to engage with psychological therapies precisely because their doctors do not hold with psychosomatic theories of cancer. Once the physical basis of disease is established, then one can explore the psychological in safety, but not before.
Compare and contrast this with the well known reluctance of sufferers from chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) to do the same.
Here is a group who are not demanding better access to psychotherapy.
Instead, the principal focus of some activists is the reverse—to reduce and even eliminate all traces of the psychological from the CFS clinic, and even the planet itself if some ultras had their way.
The difference between these CFS sufferers and those with cancer is the former are not confident that the somatic basis of their problems has been established beyond doubt, even if they are convinced that it will in time.
Worse, they suspect, and with good reason, that their doctors are not confident either, and if pushed might well endorse a psychosomatic contribution to ill health.
In these circumstances it would be foolhardy to lobby for better psychiatry, since that would only increase their sense of stigma and rejection.
[...]
Wessely: That was a powerful and uncomfortable paper. We should remember a couple of things, though. You presented a strong argument against hubris and accepting fashionable trends, merely because they are fashionable.
There will undoubtedly be many people, including, for example, those who one might call 'CFS activists', who would have loved every word you were saying.
There is a popular and seductive Whiggish view of medical history in which we move implicitly from unknown diseases which are thought to be psychiatric and as we become brighter, better scientists they are finally accepted in the pantheon of real diseases.
You should remember that there is an opposite trend as well, which you didn't mention. You ignored the history of visceral proptosis, floating kidney, autointoxication, or focal sepsis, for example. There are also lots of other things that are seen as very clearly organic and which switch the other way.
Chalder: I find it refreshing to talk about physiological and behavioural aspects of development in individuals, given that I work in cognitive behavioural psychotherapy, where the emphasis today seems to be more on cognition.
I was brought up more in the behaviour/physiological paradigm. What is your perspective on how one should intervene and what would be the most powerful intervention?
Chalder: I could see the link instantly.
If you think about how easily conditioned we are as babies, this will influence our physiology and behaviour for the rest of our lives.
Rather than starting with middle-class businessmen, we should be starting with babies and children and following them up in order to understand more clearly the link between physiology and behaviour.
Cognition comes much later in one's development. Given that cognition develops so much later, how should we then intervene most powerfully?
White: I want to make a link between rats and humans
Marien: It seems to me that a lot of this boils down to a sort of dualism. We haven't really talked about Descartes.
Aylward: Yesterday we discussed some important issues, but today we have hit on what I think are the crucial issues.
These aspects of the biopsychosocial (BPS) model have had the greatest impact in developing social and welfare policy in the UK.
These techniques are simply described and one can communicate them to our colleagues, and even our politicians, who sometimes find it difficult to grasp these issues.
This sort of work will strongly influence how social policy and rehabilitation will develop over the next year or so.
White: Exercise or activity programmes are the archetypal BPS interventions.
This was shown to us in our trial when we used graded exercise therapy in chronic fatigue syndrome.
We showed that if we improved exercise capacity or performance, there was a closely associated reduction in sub-maximal cardiovascular response to exercise. In other words, there was a physical change—they became fitter.
On the psychological side we found that getting fitter was not associated with feeling better.
The psychological improvement came purely from being exposed to the programme: a behaviour therapy of graded exposure.
Being exposed to the programme was the best predictor of feeling better and it wasn't associated with actually getting fitter.
There are two ways to change beliefs.
You can look at and change beliefs first using cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), which leads to behaviour changes, which is perhaps is what happened in your programme.
The other way is rather than using 'C-BT', using instead 'B-CT': changing the behaviour first, which then changes the cognition.
We also found on the programme that social function improved as well.
The social side is that people on these programmes are getting out of the home and meeting people.
Lewin: Thirty years of research in cardiac rehabilitation shows that exercise programmes alone, although they restored function to the heart, had practically no effect on return to work, anxiety, and depression.
It is a very seductive idea, but in reality it doesn't work.
There is no long-term effect in terms of hard outcomes.
Aylward: This is largely because many of the studies have not actually included return to work as an outcome measure.
Lewin: They abandoned it deliberately because they weren't able to influence it.
White: There are two possible explanations. Perhaps there is a differential effect in different diseases.
White: So, exposure is needed to the particularly avoided behaviour, which is exercise or physical activity in chronic fatigue syndrome and perceived stressful activities in heart disease.
Or perhaps we need to look carefully at how an intervention programme is delivered for each disease.
Lewin: You may have delivered the exercise programme in a far more psychological way, with more understanding on the patients' part.
But purely physical exercise programmes do not have very much effect.
Wessely: The highly successful BMJ trial of exercise was a CBT trial.
White: It was educational, telling people why exercise gets people better and then giving the exercise.
Wessely: We are talking about barriers. Michael Von Korff, you showed a very convincing relationship between fear avoidance and disability.
If I was one of my patients who saw that data, I would immediately say that is right and the reason would be because this is true.
That's the way it is.
I would say I avoid activity because if I don't, this is what happens.
This is the reality: I am more disabled because I am more sick.
This is the huge barrier that we haven't considered.
The people we see just don't believe us.
Wessely: We accept that. This is what we do in treatment programmes.
But we also know that even getting patients to see us is a challenge because of their fear-avoidance beliefs.
Sharpe: In relation to this, I'd like to get the word iatrogenesis on the table; doctors do cause harm by their psychological interventions as well as by their medical ones.
People often do not get consistent messages from their various medical attendants.
In fact, in the UK at least, there are substantial numbers of doctors and others who give people exactly the opposite advice, in terms of this evidence, that is, to rest.
Sharpe: When Simon Wessely is trying to tell his patients one thing, they can read something entirely different on the Internet or see someone else who will tell him or her exactly the opposite.
That inconsistency of apparently authoritative information is an important part of the problem.
White: I would like to make one point about the biology of placebos, which should help us to think about whether we go with either the psychosocial or biomedical model.
Either would be a mistake, particularly when we are dealing with chronic disabling conditions.
The model is biopsychosocial and we mustn't lose the biology.
One example from the biology of placebos is a recent study showing that functional brain scans of placebo responders have changes in cerebral blood flow not seen in the non-responders.
In other words, here is a good example of how the psychological mind can affect the physical brain; we are back to the brain as the organ of the mind.
We have come full circle back to the BPS model.
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